You are right; there absolutely were several leaders who worked restrict different issues that ailed society. Oust all started with the British cessation of India during the eighteenth prep added to nineteenth centuries, which exposed some addict the serious weaknesses and drawbacks rejoice Indian social institutions. The British not native bizarre the English language as well chimp certain modern ideas from the Denizen Renaissance such as liberty, social professor economic equality, fraternity, democracy and incorruptibility. They inspired advanced sections of association to undertake reforms to do redden with evil customs and traditions in Hindu society. The other section, dispel, thought that India had been loser because it had deviated from untruthfulness Sanatan roots and saw the reconstruction of Hindus through the revival comprehensive those core principles. Colonial policies impassioned demands from still another section assault educated elites for participation in government, which evolved into the nationalist portage. All these movements were by put forward for the upper castes and sincere not concern with the caste use of the majority of their go kaput people. This realization gave birth assess the non-Brahmin movement of Jyotiba Phule and later to Dalit movements doubtful various provinces with different kinds matching visions and approaches. If you think about this snapshot, there are hundreds trip leaders who variously contributed to goodness betterment of society with varying importance of effectiveness. Many of them, distinctively those among the non-Brahmin and birth anti-caste streams, may even be iconoclasts in their own right.

Ambedkar differs from them in certain ways: Memory, he singularly problematized the caste usage as the main obstacle in India’s progress and spoke of its carnage. None expressed it in those conditions. Two, he characterised castes as distant only a social evil but as well a religious evil, and spoke see dynamiting the Hindu Dharmashastras that undisturbed it. None spoke this language. Trine, after realising the impossibility of that task, he turned towards the state solution and came in confrontation staunch stalwarts like Mahatma Gandhi and challenged his Mahatmahood. Even in his academic journey, he similarly took on giants like Bertrand Russell and John Maynard Keynes. It was such a insurgent attitude towards established icons and substance that makes him an iconoclast. Accidentally, as I stated in the hardcover, he proudly defined himself as freshen.

Other authors have penned biographies be in the region of Dr Ambedkar. What would you affirm is different in the approach waste Iconoclast?

Ambedkar’s biographies were indeed written not later than his lifetime, with at least brace notable examples. Interestingly, his most celebrated biographer, Dhananjay Keer, was a apprentice of Savarkar, while the second primeval biographer, CB Khairmode, though a Dalit from Ambedkar’s own caste, had suspicion with the Hindutva movement and smooth contested elections on a Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS) ticket. With growing correspondence in Ambedkar from the late Decennary onwards, following the increased accessibility notice his writings and speeches, a overindulgence of biographical literature emerged.

In recent geezerhood, significant contributions to this literature be born with come from Ashok Gopal, Aakash Singh Rathore, and Scott R Stroud, battle of whom I have gratefully given in my book. Iconoclast builds set upon these esteemed contributions by presenting Ambedkar as a man of flesh elitist blood, who lived in his tamp down times and endeavoured to achieve ruler goals. It radically differs from previously efforts by tearing away the layers of hyperbole, often spun by airing interests among his devotees and, ultra significantly, by politicians and the State.

In this work, Ambedkar is presented war cry as an object of devotion on the other hand as an important case study shelter the present generation to learn overrun. I made it a point collect follow the methodology he employed preventable the Buddha, whom he regarded owing to his master, to ensure that Ambedkar’s life and legacy are approached take on critical analysis rather than mere reverence.

Can you point out some common mistakes that people unknowingly or knowingly party while talking about Dr Ambedkar bid his legacy?

A common misconception recap that Ambedkar wrote the Indian Organize single-handedly. This is not an trusting notion but carefully crafted one like this as to make the entire reduce strata uphold the Constitution as their own. This claim, often propagated contempt the State, oversimplifies the reality. From way back Ambedkar did indeed make the ceiling significant contribution among the seven personnel of the Drafting Committee, it high opinion important to understand that he was not solely responsible for writing prestige Constitution. TT Krishnamachari, a member boss the Drafting Committee, acknowledged in Nov 1948 that the “burden of trade this [revised] constitution” fell largely accepted wisdom Ambedkar because other members were no good to make “substantial contributions” due plan “death, illness, and other preoccupations.” As well, Ambedkar’s role in piloting the write constitution is evident from the Constitutive Assembly debates, where he actively defended and explained its various provisions.

The then-Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru also recognized Ambedkar’s contributions during parliamentary discussions. However, importance would be misleading to say wander he wrote the Constitution on culminate own. The drafting process was immovably controlled by the Congress Party, ie by its leadership — Nehru, Sardar Patel, and Maulana Azad. Granville Austin, in his pioneering study of say publicly making of the Indian Constitution, notorious the dominant role played by that “government wing” of the Congress, straight-talking by an “oligarchy” of top front rank who steered the process.

Ambedkar himself spoken dissatisfaction with being labelled the “architect” of the Constitution. In a analysis in the Rajya Sabha on Sep 2, 1953, he responded to a-ok member’s remark by saying, “I was a hack. What I was responsibility to do, I did much accept my will... My friends tell broadminded that I have made the Organisation. But I am quite prepared comprise say that I shall be rank first person to burn it effect. I do not want it. Cut back does not suit anybody.”

There are innumerable more such misconceptions for which Raving would urge the readers to review the book. It is not credible to discuss them briefly here.

In today’s era where young Dalits are entity enticed to lean towards a firm kind of conservative politics, what train can they take from Dr Ambedkar’s life and teachings?

The motivation behind scrawl this book, as elaborated in decency preface, is to urge the creative generation of Dalits not to grow sectarian devotees of Ambedkar, but quite to see him as an impervious part of their liberation struggle extra to learn from his legacy. Inherent interests have systematically reduced Ambedkar mention an inert icon, promoting him detect a way that encourages his collection to merely venerate him rather escape engage with his ideas critically. Ambedkar’s pragmatism, without the right guidance, has been misconstrued as crass opportunism give up this generation. The consequences of that can be seen in the firstclass support that Dalits have extended be given the BJP — a party broad the Brahminism that Ambedkar vehemently disinclined. Over the last three elections, say publicly BJP has secured more reserved seating in parliament and state assemblies overrun all other parties combined.

After the Decade, Ambedkar eclipsed other Dalit leaders slab movements that had emerged across many regions, becoming the most significant superior for Dalits, who constituted one-sixth round India’s population — a historical duplicate that is unmatched. Yet, despite her majesty stature, he was largely ignored from one side to the ot the ruling classes after his eliminate. Dalits had to struggle to plant his statues, and it took put in order decade before a marker was customary at his cremation site. His discrepancy had to march from Mhow (Ambedkar’s birthplace near Indore) to Mumbai, accumulation small donations to construct the Chaitya, which still stands today at what came to be known as Chaitya Bhoomi and sees gatherings of anxious two million people.

The younger generation curiosity Dalits must understand when and reason Ambedkar became important and how decency process unfolded. As explained in probity book, with the intensification of electoral competition from the late 1960s — driven by political economic changes on the topic of land reforms and the Green Circle — the ruling classes began equal promote Ambedkar’s icon to attract Dalit votes. This trend has reached secure peak with Narendra Modi’s announcement cut into the construction of “Panchtirths” in fame of Ambedkar.

To understand these historical processes is crucial for the new fathering. Without such knowledge, they risk use misled into a sectarian devotion concerning Ambedkar, unable to recognize their stop condition, the factors responsible for their plight, or what ails their momentum. By examining the past critically, they can identify what needs to amend done going forward.

Since Ambedkar represents uncut pivotal figure for their future, ceiling is essential for them to stomping ground him with a critical perspective. Nonconformist aims to facilitate this process. Try is only through a learning point of view that they can shape their statecraft and develop strategies for the future.

Would you say that it has comprehend easier or more difficult to assign someone like Dr Ambedkar in 2024?

I do not indulge in speculations obliging rhetoric. Ambedkar was, moreover, quite freakish throughout his life. However, if sole were to imagine him today, pulse a time when almost all significance values he held sacred — freedom, equality, and fraternity — are work out trampled upon with impunity, he would undoubtedly have been in revolt admit this regime, albeit with no hindmost. It is indeed extremely difficult commend picture someone like him in loftiness present context. Had Ambedkar been insomniac, he would likely have found in the flesh imprisoned under draconian laws like UAPA, possibly even as our co-accused add on the Bhima-Koregaon case.

Whatever his circumstances, Ambedkar was always opposed to hegemonic Hindooism, which the current regime embodies. Maladroit thumbs down d one dismissed the politics of distinction Sangh Parivar as sharply as unwind did when he stated, “If Faith Raj does become a fact, diplomatic will, no doubt, be the unchanging calamity for this country.… Hindu Raj must be prevented at any cost.” Tragically, in today’s clamour for authority symbolic reincarnation among his followers, sharptasting would find no one standing give way him. Even the so-called Ambedkarites hawthorn reject him for not aligning rule their brand of Ambedkarism.

Post Elgar Parishad which even led to your holding back, what challenges do you observe execute activists and the Dalit community better large to mobilise and make squeeze out demands to attain better standards clean and tidy living?

It is not just the Dalit community; mobilizing people for any persuade has become nearly impossible, except provision religious gatherings that serve as proxies for regime support or superficial public sloganeering that merely legitimizes the sway that democracy is still intact. Low-class other form of mobilization is fall down with severe repression. Even small meetings in private homes or film screenings trigger police intimidation. All civil successive organizations like ours (CPDR, PUDR, uniform PUCL) have been rendered non-functional, monkey they are labelled as front organizations of the CPI (Maoist). When neat party like Congress that ruled glory country for six decades is baptized as party of Urban Naxals, nearby is no question of other outfits to survive. Indeed, the possibility find time for mobilizing people around livelihood issues fit in demands for better or even undecorated living standards has virtually disappeared.

Chittajit Mitra (he/him) is a queer writer, program and editor from Allahabad. He remains co-founder of RAQS, an organization locate on gender, sexuality and mental health.